Whilst Macron’s setback in parliamentary elections is a positive sign that only a minority support his ultraliberal agenda, it would be a delusion - shared by most faithful French Catholics - to think that the current right wing is not essentially liberal (i.e., liberal in its essence).
Whilst De Gaulle certainly represented an affinity for social concerns and a better understanding of the need to regulate economical affairs, today’s Les Républicains are mostly laissez-faire types. Not only that, but the portion of their members who still oppose the most corrosive elements of liberals’ social agenda (gay mariage, surrogate pregnancies, trans rights et al.) is ever -dwindling. Their last presidential candidate sought to distance herself as much as she could from her former support to the anti-gay mariage movement (all the while courting Catholics’ vote), and frankly none of them has any idea what they would « conserve » besides the ever-degrading status quo ante.
The Front National has long hesitated between economic protectionism and the defense of the « working middle classes » (poujadism) to court the support of the working classes, and an aggressive form of liberalism that bemoans the State and handouts to pander to rich retirees in the South (denigrating both migrants and the supposed « fainéants » that populate our country). Zemmour, the new hero of conservative Catholics was a particularly appalling example of ultraliberalism, promising ever more cuts to social benefits and public services (and so was Fillon before him).
Most famously, the Front National’s main figures - Marine Le Pen and Marion Maréchal - have both flip-flopped on abortion, would likely stay mum on surrogacy, and have vehemently criticized the Holy Father for daring to meddle with political issues (in this instance, migration of course).
That the Front National is now the working class party by excellence is undeniable. Zemmour’s moment demonstrates there are still voters who will vote for the candidate who panders to faithful Catholics the most. And Macron’s small, relative majority is a sign that French voters yearn for a bit more than the « neither right nor left » ultraliberal dreck he pushes.
There are other positive elements. The main one is that a growing cadre of young intellectuals is seeking to recover a classical vision of the common good and politics from the ashes of liberalism, mostly young Catholics. Building on Catholic social teaching and rejecting liberalism’s lies, reclaiming our culture for God, ridding our think-tanks and political parties of self-serving fusionists and Freemasons ought to be our first goals. Building a coalition of opportunity with the left on the things we can agree on (supporting workers and families, rejecting the commodification of bodies implied by surrogacy, protecting the environment from capitalism’s excesses and recovering a vision of the common good that isn’t cravenly materialistic) will be key, too.
But postliberals hoping for a candidate who will see families as the bedrock of the City, seek to renew our decrepit culture and reinstate a sense of Truth and the Good would be wise not to look for him/her in the current right wing opposition parties. That way lies only the same old liberal consensus, served in varying shades of accommodationist « conservatism » and monomaniacal anti-migration fervour.
Ultimately we need to bring back Bernanos and Veuillot, before we can hope for a new Saint Louis.
Whilst Macron’s setback in parliamentary elections is a positive sign that only a minority support his ultraliberal agenda, it would be a delusion - shared by most faithful French Catholics - to think that the current right wing is not essentially liberal (i.e., liberal in its essence).
Whilst De Gaulle certainly represented an affinity for social concerns and a better understanding of the need to regulate economical affairs, today’s Les Républicains are mostly laissez-faire types. Not only that, but the portion of their members who still oppose the most corrosive elements of liberals’ social agenda (gay mariage, surrogate pregnancies, trans rights et al.) is ever -dwindling. Their last presidential candidate sought to distance herself as much as she could from her former support to the anti-gay mariage movement (all the while courting Catholics’ vote), and frankly none of them has any idea what they would « conserve » besides the ever-degrading status quo ante.
The Front National has long hesitated between economic protectionism and the defense of the « working middle classes » (poujadism) to court the support of the working classes, and an aggressive form of liberalism that bemoans the State and handouts to pander to rich retirees in the South (denigrating both migrants and the supposed « fainéants » that populate our country). Zemmour, the new hero of conservative Catholics was a particularly appalling example of ultraliberalism, promising ever more cuts to social benefits and public services (and so was Fillon before him).
Most famously, the Front National’s main figures - Marine Le Pen and Marion Maréchal - have both flip-flopped on abortion, would likely stay mum on surrogacy, and have vehemently criticized the Holy Father for daring to meddle with political issues (in this instance, migration of course).
That the Front National is now the working class party by excellence is undeniable. Zemmour’s moment demonstrates there are still voters who will vote for the candidate who panders to faithful Catholics the most. And Macron’s small, relative majority is a sign that French voters yearn for a bit more than the « neither right nor left » ultraliberal dreck he pushes.
There are other positive elements. The main one is that a growing cadre of young intellectuals is seeking to recover a classical vision of the common good and politics from the ashes of liberalism, mostly young Catholics. Building on Catholic social teaching and rejecting liberalism’s lies, reclaiming our culture for God, ridding our think-tanks and political parties of self-serving fusionists and Freemasons ought to be our first goals. Building a coalition of opportunity with the left on the things we can agree on (supporting workers and families, rejecting the commodification of bodies implied by surrogacy, protecting the environment from capitalism’s excesses and recovering a vision of the common good that isn’t cravenly materialistic) will be key, too.
But postliberals hoping for a candidate who will see families as the bedrock of the City, seek to renew our decrepit culture and reinstate a sense of Truth and the Good would be wise not to look for him/her in the current right wing opposition parties. That way lies only the same old liberal consensus, served in varying shades of accommodationist « conservatism » and monomaniacal anti-migration fervour.
Ultimately we need to bring back Bernanos and Veuillot, before we can hope for a new Saint Louis.
Very interesting to read and hearting to see that France has not necessarily slipped back to old habits as predicated after the second Macron win.